‘Oswiecim is an ice-hockey town’, someone told me. The large ice-rink in the southern part of town can accommodate thousands of spectators who come every weekend to watch a match played by teams from the Polish highest league.
‘When Oswiecim won the league in 1992 it was the first time that I had seen images from the town on Polish television in a context that had nothing to do with Auschwitz’, local journalist Łukasz Razowski told me.
The enthusiasm amongst the inhabitants and supporters is significant. For the home match against local rival, GKS Tychy, about 5000 people came to the stadium. As every “self-respecting” sports club, also Unia Oswiecim has its ‘ultras’, diehard supporters who are filling the stadium with decibels. When approaching them with a question whether we could take pictures of their cheering, they are quite dismissive. The reputation of Oswiecim’s ultras is rather bad, and in the press their image is often linked to violence and criminality. After some insistence and securing the support of the hockey club’s president, the leader of the group agreed to answer a few questions.
Unia Oswiecim’s ‘ultras’
Also the hockey supporters in Oswiecim are often reminded about the history of their town by fans of other teams. As a reaction, they designed a sticker for Oswiecim fans, which says KSU: Kształtuj Swoje Umiejętności, ‘Shape your abilities’, in English. The slogan is encircled by barbed wire, as a reference to the history of the town. Firstly, I considered this slogan and depiction to be an ironical reference to challenge cliché ideas about the town and the club. Locals in Oswiecim, which named itself ‘City of Peace’, usually don’t want to reproduce symbols referring to the camp that could engender the clichés about the town. But it turned out that the sticker was meant to communicate a more serious message than I anticipated. The barbed wire reference is also to scare rival clubs, to show boldness and sturdiness.
‘Shape your abilities’
Contemporary nationalism, racism and anti-semitism in the neighbourhood of Auschwitz is more complex than I expected before I came to Oswiecim. I thought the proximity of the Auschwitz site would make people more thoughtful, and that the constant confrontation with what is left of the Holocaust would directly impact initial roots of racist discourses and nationalist ideologies. I imagined people would have fully internalized the ‘never again’ message. But the picture in Oswiecim is more complex. Surely, in a lot of local institutions which work in the Holocaust sector one can find admirable people, fully engaged in making Oswiecim, and Auschwitz, a place of peace and dialogue.
But often outside these institutions, it seems that the proximity of Auschwitz rather reinforces than weakens racist ideas. Local frustrations with the traffic jams caused by ‘the camp’ are rather innocent, but it occurred to me more than once that someone whispered in my ear something like: “it is because of the Jews that we did not get a McDonalds for years”. Apart from these direct frustrations related to the daily functioning of a town next to the Auschwitz Museum, there seems to be also a structural neglect amongst some local policy makers when it comes to anti-semitic and racist issues.
When we reported on anti-semitic graffiti in former Birkenau barracks, we were deeply shocked finding hate speech on such a symbolic place. Our astonishment was well understood by the readers of the articles and Belgian media which were aware of the necessity of reporting such news and challenging the message the graffiti wanted to provoke. But local authority figures we initially reported the issue to did not seem to realize that having anti-semitic graffiti in former Birkenau barracks was a severe problem.
Two days after the graffiti had been found, we called the local city guards to ask if they were taking action to remove the graffiti. We were told that the Birkenau area is too far from the center of Oswiecim for them to take action. Birkenau is part of the village Brzezinka, which is part of the Oswiecim municipality, but outside of the area of responsibility of the city guards of Oswiecim. We were asked to call the police. We called the local police 6 times, but no one picked up. After one week the graffiti was still there.
At that time we had an interview with the mayor of Oswiecim. We informed him in person about the graffiti, but he did not seem very move by the story. It was not his responsibility to signal the police, he told us, we should do it. We could have been naive, but we thought having anti-semitic graffiti in the ‘City of Peace’ would bother its mayor a bit more.
Because also the police did not seem to be interested, we decided to call the Wójt, the governor of the area around Oswiecim which includes Brzezinka where the graffiti was found. It was 4 weeks after the graffiti had been signaled, and it was still there, everyone could read the horrible message. Eventually, after sending two messages to the Wójt, who seems to be overloaded with work and reportedly has access to a very small budget, it took a few days until the action was taken and the graffiti was painted over by his employees. We were informed by his secretary on the phone that apart from the graffiti that we found, another three were discovered and painted over.
In short, challenging anti-semitism next to Auschwitz does not seem to be a priority for some local governors, despite Oswiecim’s status of ‘City of Peace’. It is seems that overexposure to Auschwitz generates the opposite effect to what peace makers want to attribute to the memory of Auschwitz. The ‘City of Peace’ message appears to be solely confined to discourse and ideology, and it aims at improving the reputation of Oswiecim. ‘City-branding’ as policy analysts would call it. But as our struggle shows, there exists a gap between talking about peace and the concrete action that it involves. When asking the ultras of hockey club Unia Oswiecim about the town’s role in peace making, they said: ‘City of Peace is just another silly thing designed by politicians using our money.’